Maryam Rajavi in an Interview with An-Nahar: Neither War, Nor Appeasement with the Iranian Regime
The Iranian regime is now confronted with a fundamental question from its own people: Why was the nation’s wealth poured into a nuclear project that had nothing to do with the people’s interests—and then vanished into thin air overnight?
During the 12-day war with Israel, the Islamic Republic of Iran suffered heavy losses—from the elimination of high-ranking military commanders and severe damage to its air defense systems to blows to its nuclear program, which is considered a symbol of the regime’s authority. Perhaps for the first time since the Iran-Iraq War, the regime finds itself in a truly perilous position.
Nonetheless, Maryam Rajavi, the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), emphasizes in an exclusive interview with An-Nahar that the regime’s efforts to rebuild its military capabilities depend on two key factors—even though it has sustained significant blows and much of its military infrastructure and equipment has been destroyed.
The People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), as the largest entity within the NCRI, is the most prominent Iranian opposition force abroad. After years of political struggle, the organization has restructured itself and now bases its platform on democracy, human rights, and the separation of religion and state. It currently enjoys broad support in Western parliaments.
In the remainder of the interview, the leader of the largest opposition movement to the Iranian regime discusses the impact of the recent war, possible future scenarios for Iran, the regime’s potential to restore its military power, the level of popular support for the NCRI inside Iran, and other pressing issues. The full text of the interview is as follows:
How do you assess the impact of the recent war between Iran and Israel on the Iranian regime? Was this war the beginning of the end for the regime, or does it still have the capacity to endure?
Twenty-one years ago, I declared at the European Parliament that the solution to the Iran crisis lies neither in appeasement of the regime nor in foreign military intervention. The only real solution is the Third Option: the overthrow of the regime by the Iranian people and their organized resistance.
On June 18, amid the very conflict in question, I reiterated this same position in the European Parliament. During the war, I consistently emphasized that the Iranian people welcome the end of war and yearn for peace and freedom. Let the people of Iran determine their own destiny—through their decisive battle to overthrow Khamenei and the Velayat-e Faqih dictatorship.
What are the possible scenarios for Iran after the war? If the regime falls, what is your vision for the country’s future? And if the regime survives, would you be willing to negotiate with it?
We seek to establish a democratic and non-nuclear republic in Iran—a republic founded on the separation of religion and state, full gender equality, and the right to autonomy for Iran’s ethnic groups and nationalities.
This roadmap is not only a guarantee for democracy and human rights in Iran, but it also lays the groundwork for peace, stability, reconstruction, cooperation, and economic development in Iran, the region, and the world.
This is not merely a dream, it is a practical and achievable plan. The People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran, the young protesters in Iran, the widespread network of Resistance Units, and activists are working tirelessly in virtual space, day and night, to make it a reality.
Is the regime still capable of rebuilding its military power after the recent war?
The regime has suffered devastating blows. It has lost many of its commanders, and its military infrastructure and equipment have been destroyed. Rebuilding this capability depends on two main factors:
First, the policy of the international community. Will the global community adopt a firm stance, or will it once again revert to a policy of appeasement? The only approach that would allow the regime to rebuild is the appeasement policy, which grants it time and space to revive its repressive and military machinery.
Second, the domestic factor. The resistance and popular uprisings will act before the regime has a chance to rebuild, and they will not allow it the opportunity. This is precisely what the Iranian Resistance is planning and striving for.
The regime is now facing a critical question from the people: Why was the nation’s wealth spent on a nuclear project that brought them no benefit and was destroyed overnight? Answering this question will only deepen the public’s resentment toward the regime and pave the way for future uprisings.
Moreover, Iran’s economy is in disastrous condition due to international sanctions, systemic corruption, the astronomical costs of the nuclear program, domestic repression, and support for foreign militias.
Under these circumstances, military and nuclear reconstruction will come at a high cost to the regime. If it once again attempts to place this burden on the shoulders of the people, the next uprising will be more intense and will erupt more swiftly.
Where does the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) derive its legitimacy from? How much support does it have within the country?
The NCRI—particularly its backbone, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK)—has deep roots in Iranian society.
For 60 years, this organization has fought for freedom, justice, and popular sovereignty, standing against both the Shah’s dictatorship and the tyrannical rule of the Velayat-e Faqih. It has paid a heavy price, with over 120,000 martyrs in this struggle. Not for a single moment has it stepped away from the battlefield of resistance.
Iranian women, who have faced some of the harshest forms of repression under this regime, hold a central role in the Iranian Resistance. More than half of the NCRI’s members are women, and many leadership positions are held by women. This resistance has elevated the status of Iranian women from prisoners of the home and second-class citizens to leadership positions.
Despite severe repression, the resistance today relies on a vast network of Resistance Units inside the country. These units work to expose the regime’s crimes, mobilize the public, lead protests, and target centers of repression.
Moreover, there exists a broad social network connected to the PMOI/MEK—spanning various segments of society, including families of martyrs, former political prisoners, and others. This network has played an active role in social protests and has obtained highly sensitive information from within the regime. Thanks to these efforts, the Resistance has, over the past two decades, gained access to accurate intelligence on the regime’s nuclear and terrorist activities.
One of our greatest strengths is our clear vision for Iran’s future. Twenty years ago, I presented this vision in the form of a “Ten-Point Plan” to the Council of Europe. This plan has received the backing of over 4,000 parliamentarians, numerous national parliaments, and many prominent international figures, so far.
Iranians abroad also show strong support for this program and for the NCRI by organizing large-scale gatherings, in which hundreds of political leaders and former international officials take part.
Do you coordinate with other opponents of the regime who are not members of the National Council of Resistance?
From the very beginning, our movement has emphasized the importance of unity among forces within a National Solidarity Front. Those who are actively engaged on the ground inside Iran maintain practical coordination with us.
Anyone who is sincerely working toward the overthrow of the regime is an ally and aligned with the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI) and the NCRI—a council that represents the oldest political coalition in Iran’s history and is now entering its forty-fifth year.
The Council encompasses a range of political perspectives, religious beliefs, and ethnic backgrounds, all united by a common goal: the overthrow of the clerical regime and the establishment of a democratic republic based on the Ten-Point Plan.
In 2002, the NCRI proposed the formation of a “National Solidarity Front” to unite all forces seeking the regime’s downfall. Within this framework, we have always welcomed—and continue to welcome—cooperation with republican forces committed to the struggle to overthrow the regime.
What key points should be included in any future negotiations between Iran and the West?
Any negotiation must include the following elements:
• The complete dismantling of the regime’s nuclear facilities;
• Permanent and comprehensive inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA);
• Compelling the regime to cease its support for terrorism and sectarian militias in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and other parts of the region, as these interventions are a primary source of instability.
As an initial step, the “snapback mechanism” must be activated, and previous UN Security Council resolutions regarding the regime’s nuclear program must be reinstated.
Moreover, any relationship with this regime must be made conditional on an end to executions and torture, the release of all political prisoners, and a halt to human rights violations.
More than 4,000 parliamentarians across various continents and over 100 former presidents and prime ministers have called on the international community to recognize the Iranian people’s Resistance and their struggle to overthrow this regime. This is not only the demand of the Iranian people but also essential for regional and global peace and stability.
If you seize power, what would your relations with regional countries look like? How would they differ from the eras of the Shah and the clerical regime? What is your vision for peace and stability in the region?
Regarding foreign relations—especially with neighboring countries—the tenth point of our Ten-Point Plan clearly emphasizes that: Iran must be non-nuclear, free of weapons of mass destruction, and committed to peace, coexistence, and regional and international cooperation.
The people of Iran and the region have suffered greatly from the Shah’s policies, in which he saw himself as the region’s gendarme, and from the clerical regime’s agenda of regional domination. The overthrow of the mullahs’ regime will mark a definitive end to these expansionist and aggressive policies.
After the fall of the clerical regime, the Iranian Resistance will usher in a fundamental shift in Iran’s foreign policy—one based on peaceful coexistence, mutual respect with regional countries, and the pursuit of the Iranian people’s interests as well as regional stability.
One of the greatest betrayals committed by Khomeini and his regime was the exploitation of the Palestinian cause and its just slogans. They inflicted the most severe blow to the Palestinian issue and its national movements—particularly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Palestinian Authority.
The existence of this regime is a major obstacle to peace and stability in the region. The history of the clerical regime over the past four decades has been defined by nothing but the export of war, extremism, and terrorism.
